Friday, June 29, 2007

An Invitation to Washington

China's pro-democracy movement:

Washington event upcoming Monday, 7/2

Veteran figures will road test their political messages

at the new Victims of Communism Memorial -

featuring a statue of Tiananmen Square's Goddess of Democracy

June 29, 2007 (CSN) -- Less than a month after Washington, DC's new Victims of Communism Memorial was dedicated by U.S. President George Bush, an inevitable new trend is now getting under way. "A statue of the Goddess of Democracy gives us a new favored place at which to hold rallies in the cause of Chinese freedom," said John Kusumi, President of the China Support Network.

Kusumi will appear Monday, July 2, 2007 within a program sponsored by the China Peace and Democracy Federation (CPDF). Another veteran figure, Tang Baiqiao, now the Chairman of CPDF, is expected to appear and to likewise give a speech. The program at the Victims of Communism Memorial will run from 1pm - 2pm. The Memorial is located at the intersection of Massachusetts Ave., N.W., New Jersey Ave., N.W., and G Street, N.W., two blocks from Union Station.

The two campaigners will be road testing two political messages. Mr. Tang is expected to call for a "Second June 4 Campaign," one to echo the 1989 uprising for democratic reform in China, in which Tang himself was a leader of college students in Hunan province. Tang made world headlines in 1992, when he formed the All China People's Autonomous Federation. More recently he was Chairman of China Peace, which recently reorganized to become the China Peace and Democracy Federation -- the sponsor of Monday's event.

Mr. Kusumi is expected to press the theme of "Freedom First, Olympics Second," with the endorsement of Mr. Tang. The CSN is forming a coalition by the same name -- Freedom First, Olympics Second (FFOS). A formal announcement about the coalition and its makeup will not take place Monday, but related events are anticipated for late July and early August this summer.

Kusumi added, "Mr. Tang and I are in agreement that Olympics hosted by the Communist system are unacceptable. But conversely, if China held an election first, then Olympics hosted by a democratic system would be acceptable. This enables us to unify on the message, Freedom First, Olympics Second!"

U.S. President George Bush dedicating the Victims of Communism Memorial

in Washington, DC, June 12 2007. Behind him is a replica Goddess of Democracy statue,

first raised by Chinese college students in their Tiananmen Square democracy protests of 1989.

Tang Baiqiao in September 2003, announcing the

Global Coalition to Bring Jiang to Justice

Tang Baiqiao in October 2003, campaigning with the

Global Coalition to Bring Jiang to Justice

Newsmaker profile: Who is Tang Baiqiao?

China's pro-democracy movement has a series of leaders who were "non-Beijing students," and yet led parts of the uprising that swept the nation in 1989. Examples include Arthur Liu, a student leader in Guangdong province, and Mike Hu, from Shanghai. CSN previously reported that "Liu was able to organize protests of between 500,000 and 1 million people." Outside of China in exile, these people have risen to further prominence as dissident leaders. For example, Liu became Chairman of the Chinese Republican Party.

Tang Baiqiao fits into that category of "non-Beijing leaders" in the movement. In 1989, he was a student leader in Hunan province. In 1992, he formed the All China People's Autonomous Federation and the announcement was echoed in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, Newsweek magazine, and the South China Morning Post. More recently in exile, he was Chairman of the China Peace organization, subsequently renamed the China Peace and Democracy Federation.

Tang was one of the earliest Chinese dissidents to embrace campaigns initiated by Falun Gong partisans, thereby forming a bridge between the Falun Gong camp, on the one hand, and the political dissident camp, on the other hand. This encouraged more crossover and cooperation between the two groups. In the result, he has esteem from both camps, and he has campaigned tirelessly and worked well in the Global Coalition to Bring Jiang to Justice, and in the jiuping ("Nine Commentaries") and tuidang ("Quit the Party") campaigns. Over 23 million people have tendered resignations from the Chinese Communist Party in the latter campaign.

His new initiative, to encourage a "Second June 4 Campaign," is the subject of his speech to be given in Washington, DC at the Victims of Communism Memorial, on Monday July 2, 2007.

Published June 29, 2007 by the China Support Network (CSN). Begun as the American response group in 1989, CSN represents Americans who are "on the side" of the students in Tiananmen Square -- standing for democratic reform, human rights, and freedom in China. For dissident news; to support a stronger China policy; or get more information, see

Friday, June 15, 2007

CDP Takes The Lead

Chinese democracy movement
rises above its Inside Baseball

The news from CDP suggests that a highly competent
Xu Wenli is winning his high-stakes power play

By John P. Kusumi


The Chinese pro-democracy movement has a lot of Inside Baseball -- internecine rivalry, dispute, disagreement and conflict -- that constantly threatens to backfire, and to reduce the public image of the movement into being merely the scene of an angry squabble, where leadership is impossible.

I have previously expressed my disappointment in the Tiananmen Generation Association, a group that might have carried on the voice of the leadership of 1989's pro-democracy uprising; it might have done so, but for the fact that the group could not agree to exist. (The group was first formed, and then suspended operation.)

As a campaigner who works in the China Support Network to boost and support Chinese dissidents and related activities, I have been privileged to meet numerous Chinese dissidents -- both the top leaders, and the rank-in-file dissidents -- at numerous occasions. The China Support Network has always enjoyed high-level access and the ability to contribute work, both actual and suggested, to the dissident activities in exile overseas ("Overseas" means outside of China).

It means that I have been privileged to meet them, but I have also seen the result of their political and competitive instincts. When I ask a Chinese dissident about any other top Chinese dissident, I do not hear any recognition of why the second dissident is prominent or esteemed. In fact, it is impossible to talk about the wider group of dissident leaders, because no matter what question is asked, the response is an answer to a different question: "What are the negatives about this person? Why should this person be discounted, disregarded, or disrespected as a leader?" Please remember, that I don't ask these latter two questions. I simply hear the answer.

Therefore, it is my experience that if you ask a dissident about another dissident, you will hear a personal, ad-hominem trashing of the second dissident, and this is the natural first instinct of too many Chinese dissidents. I don't want to name names, nor to give real-world examples here, but imagine a hypothetical dissident named Xing Guizhen. And suppose that Xing Guizhen is the leader of a group called FCDCCSS, the Free China Democracy Coalition of Chinese Students and Scholars. Another Chinese dissident might say, "Well, I support the FCDCCSS, but I oppose Xing Guizhen. Xing Guizhen tried to open a Chinese laundry and failed; that resulted from his bad judgment and failed management / leadership skills." The negative point gets the attention; never mind if Xing Guizhen is in the news receiving a Congressional Medal of Honor.

Is there any better esteem for another dissident? My example could continue. I could ask, "What about the famous Tiananmen Square leader, Xin Luchaixi?" I would be told, "First, he misappropriated money at Tiananmen Square. Then, he misappropriated money at FCDCCSS." To observers outside the circle of Chinese dissidents (the general public), Xin Luchaixi may be a phenomenal hero, famous for stopping tanks at Tiananmen Square. But inside the circle, his name is mud, and they don't care about heroism or esteem from the outside world (the general public).

Some of this is sour-grapes jealous carping from people with less public prominence, directed against people with more public prominence. No one can ever take away the fame that is attached to people like Wang Dan and Harry Wu. Others who are less famous may naturally have a condition that may be called "sore runner-up syndrome." They can speak reasons why the person in question really does not deserve such fame and prominence. But, public perception does not change based on gripes and grumbling uttered in private. The wider community still holds a place for the famous public figures. They have the kiss of being media darlings.

This is what I call democracy movement Inside Baseball, and it is the reason why cooperation seems impossible -- even to be discussed, inside the movement.


Usually, maneuvers within the democracy movement are not loud enough to impact U.S. public perceptions. On June 4 and 5, 2007, dissident Xu Wenli held a First Party Congress of the China Democracy Party in Providence, Rhode Island. The Congress adopted a Declaration of "China's Third Republic," an expression of intent to build a third republic while respecting the work, effort, and legacy of two earlier attempts (1911 and 1946) to make a democratic Chinese republic.

This time, it was loud enough to impact the public face of the democracy movement, in English, as observed by the U.S. public. Mainstream U.S. news outlets including the Providence Journal and Channel 10, a Rhode Island affiliate of the NBC network, covered the Congress. (At the China Support Network, we have adjusted our "splash page," the first one seen at It shows a Chinese dissident waving a copy of the Providence Journal on the second day of the Congress. By following links at the splash page, one read the Providence Journal story, or view the Channel 10 story.)

The Rhode Island news coverage stands out, because Chinese democracy rarely gets attention in the American news. As such, this was a public relations victory for the entire movement. It is also noteworthy in light of the movement's Inside Baseball. With the usual bickering in the movement, what are the odds that a news story comes out and makes the movement appear to be professional, competent, and unified? --The Rhode Island coverage made no mention of splits, divisions, back biting, recrimination, and Balkanization at our movement. Why? Because it was "top line" coverage, looking at the major points of our situation, and reporters had no time to study, research, or look up the Inside Baseball.

To overlook the Inside Baseball is actually good editorial judgment. If we prefer a movement of progress, rather than gridlock, we must embrace occasions like this, when the news reports progress. Xu Wenli is to be congratulated for holding a successful Congress, even if it was an "invitation only" exclusive group of hand-picked dissidents. The Rhode Island reporters are to be thanked for making us look good. As we know from my discussion of Inside Baseball, above, any story could be told in a way that is more dark. The Rhode Island reporters "took the high road," something that I wish Chinese dissidents themselves would do. To give credit where credit is due, and to acknowledge the legitimate standing of other dissidents -- that is a habit of "larger men," and I wish that Chinese dissidents would take up that habit. To be the bigger man means that one must acknowledge the actual significance of actual work by others, even if the "other" is a rival, competitor, opponent, or is to be found with a differing stance, "across the aisle" politically.

In his remarks, Xu Wenli acknowledged that China's political opposition has many factions. His CDP Congress brought together the leaders of other parties -- the Chinese Labor Party and the China Social Democratic Party were each participants in the Congress, through their representatives who were given time on the floor with a microphone to speak. (The Chinese Republican Party was notably absent, as was the "Mainland KMT," or Nationalist Party.) The presence of the other parties was not hidden -- but, it was overlooked by the American reporters who didn't pick up the nuance. They reported "the news at first blush," which was a CDP Party Congress. If they reported "the news at second blush," then they would be covering the Inside Baseball of the Chinese democracy movement.

Baskin Robbins is a store that is famous for having 31 flavors of ice cream. If there is a child who likes chocolate ice cream, he or she might walk into Baskin Robbins and say, "Hey -- there's chocolate ice cream!" That is what the American reporters recently did. Someone else might walk in and say, "Hey -- there are 31 flavors of ice cream here!" An intellectual could take exception with the American reporting, because of the 30 additional flavors of Chinese dissent that we have in the store. But, the situation worked in favor of Xu Wenli and the China Democracy Party, who may feel like "the cat who swallowed the canary."

In a victory of public relations, Xu Wenli bolstered his standing as perhaps the top leading Chinese dissident at work today. The CDP became the leading public face of the Chinese democracy movement. (And meanwhile elsewhere -- in Japan during the Congress -- Wei Jingsheng was having a public relations disaster. He was arrested upon trying to enter Japan for a June 4 commemoration.)


The Providence Journal story included this note-- "An audio broadcast of yesterday’s events...was sent out over the Internet. It was unclear if residents of mainland China had access to the Web cast, although it seems certain that one way or another, accounts of the congress will reach the country."

I will add my own anecdote. There is a citizen in Beijing whose name I will protect by calling him Hank. Hank reports that he got word of Xu Wenli's successful Congress, and added, "some friends around me heard the real time broadcasting from the internet." We can see from my anecdote that the "free China" community was paying attention to the event. Therefore, we should all sit up and take notice of the recent contributions, given by Xu Wenli to the movement.


It is easy to find disagreement in the Chinese democracy movement, by asking about the vision of a future China. Three questions are obvious questions, but they get a variety of answers: (1.) What should be the name of the future Chinese nation? (2.) What should be the flag of the future Chinese nation? (3.) What should be the Constitution of the future Chinese nation? Any one of these questions will reveal a diversity of opinion. About the name, some people want a "United States of China." Other names bandied around include "Democratic Federal Republic of China," the "Free Republic of China," or simply ROC -- a return to the Republic of China as once existed earlier. Likewise, the movement has more than one flag, and more than one Constitution, sitting on the shelf as contenders for consideration.

However, most people in the movement lack the stature to make their choice "stick" among the others. Our community can point to a string of failures, where one dissident or another tried to make a government-in-exile -- Hua Xiazi ("Linda") and her DROC; Peng Ming and his China Federation Foundation; Zhang Hongbao and his China Shadow Government. These efforts failed to "stick" because they were vehicles for an individual to have a fiefdom. They did not attract wide participation or "political buy in," hence they failed to represent the whole democracy movement. For that matter my group, CSN, issued its Road Map To Democracy, a similar plan, which met with a similar fate. Without wide participation or "political buy in," we cannot say that it is the will of the democracy movement.

With its recent Congress, the CDP did something interesting. It answered all of questions (1.), (2.), and (3.) and then it stopped short of forming a government-in-exile. The Chinese democracy movement now has "default answers" for (1.) What is the name of the future Chinese nation? (Republic of China.) (2.) What is the flag of the future Chinese nation? (See ROC flag as in 1947.) (3.) What is the Constitution of the future Chinese nation? (See ROC Constitution as in 1947.)

The three questions are answered, but CDP denies that the Third Republic of China is a government-in-exile.

It was politically astute for Xu Wenli to move in this way. In an environment where the movement's dissidents would never agree on anything else, Xu reached for the model provided by history. Chinese dissidents do respect, admire, and honor the work done by the earlier founders of the Republic of China. Xu leveraged that earlier work, and has stepped into a role as the enforcer of China's earlier government. The Third Republic of China carries with it the weight and the authority of an earlier Chinese government, and by adding new life to China's old clothes, there is a powerful blend. It amplifies the voice and moral authority of Xu Wenli and the CDP in general.

As it turns out, Xu Wenli had the stature to "swing" this much, and to make the event a success. As I say, he is to be congratulated for his achievement.


The CDP Party Congress further underscored a political tract that CDP first released in May, 2006. It is the "Proposed Direction and Timeline to the Chinese Government for the Implementation of Political Reform in the People’s Republic of China." The proposal states that this year (2007), the Chinese government should release prisoners of conscience and allow the exiled dissidents to return to China. If the PRC/CCP government makes that goodwill gesture, then in turn the CDP and those it influences would allow the 2008 Olympics to be held without the expected protest which is otherwise coming. That would be a reciprocal gesture of goodwill from the pro-democracy forces.

Further along CDP's timeline in Fall, 2009, a "Future of China Conference" should be held in Beijing, and should authorize a Constitutional Convention to be held in 2010. The document calls for the CCP and political opposition factions to establish working groups for the Future of China Conference, and calls for delegations from these working groups to meet in earnest dialogue, this year and next (2007 / 2008). Even if the United Nations must mediate these discussions, CDP wants them to prepare "the topics, schedules, and implementation" of its proposed Future of China Conference. Among political factions to be included at the conference, the CDP wants Taiwanese, Tibetans, Falun Gong, and June 4 (Tiananmen Square) victims to be represented.

The document calls for Hong Kong to have direct elections for its chief executive in 2008. Also, a "News Publication Law" to take effect in 2009 would allow freedom of the press in the Mainland from that time forward. The document suggests that one or two provinces be designated "Early Political Reform Provinces," with direct elections at city and county levels by 2010, and province-level elections by 2011.

The Providence Journal, in reporting from the CDP Party Congress, said "the CDP has set a goal of becoming a legal party in China by the year 2015 — and of becoming the ruling party by 2020." Actually, many Chinese seem to have a superstition about the year 2012. There is a widely shared expectation of Chinese democracy by that year. Perhaps because "the fourth generation" of Chinese leadership must give way to the fifth: the Tiananmen generation. Also, many people feel that 2011 is a fitting target date, because of the centennial of the 1911 Revolution. If Chinese politics found its way to freedom and stability on solid footing, then the prior century would become known as "the Hundred Years Revolution" -- a revolution rudely interrupted by such things as World War II, Civil War, and Communism. The latter led to the PRC's empire of lies, which continues today.


China should count itself fortunate to have Xu Wenli as its rising dissident / opposition leader. Very clearly, he has studied history extensively. His approach is intellectual so that it remains principled and pure. Xu's forethought about an opposition party stretches back more than 20 years. With most men, if you offered to make him a king, he would accept. Departures from that tendency are rare -- George Washington is the obvious example of a man who was offered to be a king, and he preferred (chose of his own volition) to be a democrat. Xu Wenli strikes me as similarly inclined. He has suggested a standard whereby participants in the Constitutional Convention would foreswear the subsequent holding of political office. And, he has indicated that he would sooner work on constitutional issues, rather than be President of China. In this way, he is showing more concern for future generations than for personal gain in his own lifetime.

Through Xu Wenli, the Chinese democracy movement is keeping its character as a non-violent movement. In its prisons, China is holding two dissidents -- Peng Ming and Wang Bingzhang -- who, if they were free, might be more favorably inclined to the use of force and paramilitary actions. For those, such as the Communists, who value stability, the approach of Xu Wenli allows for a transition, rather than a revolution and a sharp break with the past. Because he remains open to following the path of transition, Xu is being cagey and straddling the fence on many issues.

It remains to be seen whether the Communists will play ball, but they have unique pressure due to the upcoming 2008 Olympics. If they want smooth Olympics rather than a riot, the CDP is offering a path to the achievement of that objective. The press and public relations surrounding the Olympics has been sliding in a negative direction -- recently, it grows uglier and uglier. The rioters are getting ready. Everyone is looking for a goodwill gesture from the CCP. A failed Olympics would be the end of the CCP, whether or not they are cooperating and playing ball.

The China Support Network, the Falun Gong, and many related groups are preparing to announce their stepped up push for an Olympic boycott on August 8, 2007. The announcement is inevitable, unless the CCP comes through with a goodwill gesture as suggested in the 2006 CDP document to the PRC government. The time is now for the CCP to decide about the end of Falun Gong persecution, and the release of its prisoners of conscience. A decision that stops Falun Gong persecution would be a clear signal that Hu Jintao's group has won the power struggle with the faction headed by former PRC President Jiang Zemin. Indeed, the absence of that decision suggests that Jiang Zemin is still in charge and protecting his legacy. (It was Jiang's decision, late in his tenure, to begin Falun Gong persecution. Hence, this continued pain for China is Jiang's legacy and has been saddled to the administration of Hu Jintao.)

On the public relations front, thanks in part to the CDP, dissidents and those who question the Olympics are gaining the upper hand. The movement has continued to build the case against the CCP regime -- including damning confirmation from the United Nations about the regime's practice of harvesting organs from unwilling Falun Gong prisoners. And, U.S. President George W. Bush recently dedicated a new Victims of Communism Memorial in Washington, DC. China is having one PR setback after another. The Olympics are clearly under threat based on these human rights concerns.

By the time that Chinese Communists figure out their political calculus, it turns out that they would do well by accepting Xu Wenli, the CDP, and the Third Republic of China. There are yet more reasons why their back is to the wall, politically. The CDP Congress was blessed with auspicious timing, due to the many other factors surrounding Chinese politics. He may not be a democrat, but Hu Jintao is a smart man. It may be politically expedient for him to become a democrat.

Published June 15, 2007 by the China Support Network (CSN). Begun as the American response group in 1989, CSN represents Americans who are "on the side" of the students in Tiananmen Square -- standing for democratic reform, human rights, and freedom in China. For dissident news; to support a stronger China policy; or get more information, see

Wednesday, June 13, 2007

Victims of Communism Memorial Dedicated

Victims of Communism
Remembered and Memorialized

George W. Bush dedicates a memorial in Washington, DC
featuring Tiananmen Square's "Goddess of Democracy"

U.S. President George W. Bush speaks at Victims
of Communism Memorial in Washington, DC, June 12, 2007

Remarks by George W. Bush

June 12, 2007

Thank you all for coming. Please be seated. Dr. Edwards, thanks for your kind words. Congressman Lantos -- no better friend to freedom, by the way; Congressman Rohrabacher, the same. Members of the Czech and Hungarian parliaments; ambassadors; distinguished guests; and more importantly, the survivors of Communist oppression, I'm honored to join you on this historic day. (Applause.)

And here in the company of men and women who resisted evil and helped bring down an empire, I proudly accept the Victims of Communism Memorial on behalf of the American people. (Applause.)

The 20th century will be remembered as the deadliest century in human history. And the record of this brutal era is commemorated in memorials across this city. Yet, until now, our Nation's Capital had no monument to the victims of imperial Communism, an ideology that took the lives of an estimated 100 million innocent men, women and children. So it's fitting that we gather to remember those who perished at Communism's hands, and dedicate this memorial that will enshrine their suffering and sacrifice in the conscience of the world.

Building this memorial took more than a decade of effort, and its presence in our capital is a testament to the passion and determination of two distinguished Americans: Lev Dobriansky, whose daughter Paula is here -- (applause) -- give your dad our best. And Dr. Lee Edwards. (Applause.) They faced setbacks and challenges along the way, yet they never gave up, because in their hearts, they heard the voices of the fallen crying out: "Remember us."

These voices cry out to all, and they're legion. The sheer numbers of those killed in Communism's name are staggering, so large that a precise count is impossible. According to the best scholarly estimate, Communism took the lives of tens of millions of people in China and the Soviet Union, and millions more in North Korea, Cambodia, Africa, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Eastern Europe, and other parts of the globe.

Behind these numbers are human stories of individuals with families and dreams whose lives were cut short by men in pursuit of totalitarian power. Some of Communism's victims are well-known. They include a Swedish diplomat named Raoul Wallenberg, who saved 100,000 Jews from the Nazis, only to be arrested on Stalin's orders and sent to Moscow's Lubyanka Prison, where he disappeared without a trace. They include a Polish priest named Father Popieluszko, who made his Warsaw church a sanctuary for the Solidarity underground, and was kidnaped, and beaten, and drowned in the Vitsula by the secret police.

The sacrifices of these individuals haunt history -- and behind them are millions more who were killed in anonymity by Communism's brutal hand. They include innocent Ukrainians starved to death in Stalin's Great Famine; or Russians killed in Stalin's purges; Lithuanians and Latvians and Estonians loaded onto cattle cars and deported to Arctic death camps of Soviet Communism. They include Chinese killed in the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution; Cambodians slain in Pol Pot's Killing Fields; East Germans shot attempting to scale the Berlin Wall in order to make it to freedom; Poles massacred in the Katyn Forest; and Ethiopians slaughtered in the "Red Terror"; Miskito Indians murdered by Nicaragua's Sandinista dictatorship; and Cuban balseros who drowned escaping tyranny. We'll never know the names of all who perished, but at this sacred place, Communism's unknown victims will be consecrated to history and remembered forever.

We dedicate this memorial because we have an obligation to those who died, to acknowledge their lives and honor their memory. The Czech writer Milan Kundera once described the struggle against Communism as "the struggle of memory against forgetting." Communist regimes did more than take their victims' lives; they sought to steal their humanity and erase their memory. With this memorial, we restore their humanity and we reclaim their memory. With this memorial, we say of Communism's innocent and anonymous victims, these men and women lived and they shall not be forgotten. (Applause.)

We dedicate this memorial because we have an obligation to future generations to record the crimes of the 20th century and ensure they're never repeated. In this hallowed place we recall the great lessons of the Cold War: that freedom is precious and cannot be taken for granted; that evil is real and must be confronted; and that given the chance, men commanded by harsh and hateful ideologies will commit unspeakable crimes and take the lives of millions.

It's important that we recall these lessons because the evil and hatred that inspired the death of tens of millions of people in the 20th century is still at work in the world. We saw its face on September the 11th, 2001. Like the Communists, the terrorists and radicals who attacked our nation are followers of a murderous ideology that despises freedom, crushes all dissent, has expansionist ambitions and pursues totalitarian aims. Like the Communists, our new enemies believe the innocent can be murdered to serve a radical vision. Like the Communists, our new enemies are dismissive of free peoples, claiming that those of us who live in liberty are weak and lack the resolve to defend our free way of life. And like the Communists, the followers of violent Islamic radicalism are doomed to fail. (Applause.) By remaining steadfast in freedom's cause, we will ensure that a future American President does not have to stand in a place like this and dedicate a memorial to the millions killed by the radicals and extremists of the 21st century.

We can have confidence in the power of freedom because we've seen freedom overcome tyranny and terror before. Dr. Edwards said President Reagan went to Berlin. He was clear in his statement. He said, "tear down the wall," and two years later the wall fell. And millions across Central and Eastern Europe were liberated from unspeakable oppression. It's appropriate that on the anniversary of that speech, that we dedicate a monument that reflects our confidence in freedom's power.

The men and women who designed this memorial could have chosen an image of repression for this space, a replica of the wall that once divided Berlin, or the frozen barracks of the Gulag, or a killing field littered with skulls. Instead, they chose an image of hope -- a woman holding a lamp of liberty. She reminds us of the victims of Communism, and also of the power that overcame Communism.

Like our Statue of Liberty, she reminds us that the flame for freedom burns in every human heart, and that it is a light that cannot be extinguished by the brutality of terrorists or tyrants. And she reminds us that when an ideology kills tens of millions of people, and still ends up being vanquished, it is contending with a power greater than death. (Applause.) She reminds us that freedom is the gift of our Creator, freedom is the birthright of all humanity, and in the end, freedom will prevail. (Applause.)

I thank each of you who made this memorial possible for your service in freedom's cause. I thank you for your devotion to the memory of those who lost their lives to Communist terror. May the victims of Communism rest in peace. May those who continue to suffer under Communism find their freedom. And may the God who gave us liberty bless this great memorial and all who come to visit her.

God bless. (Applause.)

Published June 13, 2007 by the China Support Network (CSN). Begun as the American response group in 1989, CSN represents Americans who are "on the side" of the students in Tiananmen Square -- standing for democratic reform, human rights, and freedom in China. For dissident news; to support a stronger China policy; or get more information, see

Tuesday, June 5, 2007

Third Republic of China Declared

"China's Third Republic"
Declaration passes at
CDP Party Congress

JPK reports from the site of
the CDP First Party Congress
in Rhode Island

By John P. Kusumi

June 4 is that day in every year that is the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown and massacre, as occurred in Beijing, China on June 4, 1989. That makes it a busy time for Chinese dissidents.

This year it was more busy than usual. Xu Wenli, a leading Chinese dissident who was a co-founder of the China Democracy Party (an opposition political party founded in Mainland China in 1998), chose June 4 of this year to open the First Party Congress, convened by the China Democracy Party United Headquarters - Overseas Division. (Note. Xu Wenli is among the dissidents now in exile, hence "overseas" to China. After his 2002 arrival in exile, Xu became a professor at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island.)

Three more items this year made June 4 into a "busy news day" in the Chinese democracy movement.

The key public communique from the CDP Party Congress is the Declaration of China's Third Republic. This informs observers as to the intended shape of China's future, as envisioned by dissidents in the CDP. The vision held out is one that adheres closely to the Republic of China as it existed before the Communist Party took over in 1949. It may be a fair summary to say that CDP wants to "restore" the Republic of China.

The Declaration that was approved by the Party Congress on June 4, 2007 is a short three sentences. The text says--

"We shall pursue the spirit and tradition of the leaders of the Revolution of 1911 and their creation of 'Asia's First Republic.' We shall acknowledge and respect the 1946 People’s Constitutional Convention and the establishment of the Second Republic. And we solemnly declare our aspiration to build a Third Republic based on the principles of freedom, equality, human rights and constitutional democracy."

As seen above, the Declaration becomes the guiding star of the China Democracy Party, and will be added into the Party Constitution. Other orders of business at the Party Congress include the Party Constitution and leadership.

Also, this author gave "this year's June 4 speech" to the Congress, the third rendition of that speech in as many days. U.S. President George W. Bush was scolded for a third time for his weakness in the face of Communist China. (For web readers, see the speech in a separate blog post. For email readers, the speech is appended. See below.)

The speeches were incidental to dissident events -- there remains a second item beyond the Congress that made June 4 into a "busy news day" in the Chinese democracy movement. That other item is the arrest of Wei Jingsheng, another leading Chinese dissident known as "China's most famous dissident."

Wei traveled to Japan on June 1, expecting to speak at a gathering related to the Tiananmen Square crackdown. He never made it to his expected speaking engagement on June 3, 2007. Japanese customs police at Narita airport arrested him upon his arrival in Japan. Japan's government actually cared to stop Wei from speaking at the Tokyo observance of the Tiananmen anniversary. Apparently, there is a special variety of Japanese visa for which Wei did not apply. Instead, he sought "permission for landing in transit" on his way to Guam. This type of entry is routinely granted in Japan; evidently, someone in that government saw fit to object to Wei's attendance at a June 4 memorial observance.

I first heard the news during the June 2 rally, opposite China's embassy in Washington, while I waited to speak. Dr. Quan Nguyen was speaking, as a Vietnamese dissident offering solidarity to Chinese dissidents. (Vietnamese freedom lovers join in protest of the Tiananmen Square massacre.) From his speech, these words: "Before I finish my piece, I heard the bad news that our great friend Wei Jingsheng was arrested yesterday at the airport in Japan. I and my organization [the International Committee to Support the Non-Violent Movement for Human Rights in Vietnam] join with our friends, our Chinese friends, to protest [to] the Japanese government."

That same evening, the news appeared in emails from the Wei Jingsheng Foundation. At this writing, late on June 4 (U.S. east coast time), the disposition of Wei Jingsheng is unresolved. Japan is being accused of mistreating him. Concerned people can contact the Japanese embassy in the USA at 1-202-238-6700, or fax 1-202-328-2187. The Narita customs office in Japan is reachable at 81-476-326-848.

A third item, beyond the Congress, which made June 4 memorable was the arrest of 200 protestors at Tiananmen Square itself. They attempted to gather to commemorate the 18th anniversary of that massacre. Chinese police arrested all of them. Even so, the appearance of 200 people for that purpose speaks of brazen and open dissent. China is in fact changing. Dissidents in this year's gatherings have spoken about how many web postings show open contempt for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). China's internet police cannot erase the messages as quickly as they are posted. For the CCP, the gig is just about up.

When time permits, I will write a "think piece" of analysis, about the Third Republic of China and its meaning in the Chinese democracy movement. For now, I will sign off -- "In Providence, Rhode Island, this is your roving reporter. Back to you."

Published June 4, 2007 by the China Support Network (CSN). Begun as the American response group in 1989, CSN represents Americans who are "on the side" of the students in Tiananmen Square -- standing for democratic reform, human rights, and freedom in China. For dissident news; to support a stronger China policy; or get more information, see

Monday, June 4, 2007

Speech delivered at Tiananmen Anniversary, 6/2/2007

CSN to China:
"This is unacceptable"

Speech by John P. Kusumi
June 2, 3, and 4, 2007

Hello once again; it's good to see the faces of those who care deeply about freedom, democracy, and human rights -- and for Mainland China specifically. At this gathering, we remember the travesty and the atrocity of China's June 4 massacre at Tiananmen Square. This is our annual candlelight vigil, where we remember the fallen -- the innocent civilian victims, gunned down by China's army on that ugly night in 1989.

This is where we remember, and we know that justice remains to be served in this atrocity that is without closure. We believe firmly that China's best days are still ahead of it -- that the light of freedom will come to that land which has been darkened and victimized by 58 years under the iron-fisted, totalitarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party.

This is a dark time in our fallen world. But our faith tells us that freedom is the right side of history, and the light of freedom will not be extinguished. We gather here at dusk, but rather than curse the darkness, we light a candle. Literally. That is our event here today. We do not let Communist China off the hook; we do not countenance extreme and flagrant human rights abuse; we do not appease the tyrants -- far from it, we demand justice and we insist on accountability.

Ours is a special community of freedom fighters. We are here to hold Communists' feet to the fire; and when our work is done, China's communists, dictators, tyrants and thugs will be brought to justice. As we witnessed the Tiananmen massacre 18 years ago, what we saw was a crime in progress: a crime against humanity, perpetrated by the Chinese government under the CCP. Experts agree that politically, China's government is unchanged in the intervening years, having achieved no progress on the path to reform, democracy, and justice. What that means is that today's political condition of China is unchanged. A crime is still in progress: a crime against humanity, perpetrated by the Chinese government under the CCP. Persecution and crackdowns continue unabated. China has yet to improve its human rights practices; it is in fact easy to argue that China under the CCP has gotten worse.

Those who value the Olympic spirit will not want it mixed and mingling amid crackdowns, persecution, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Editorials in the Washington Post and the Wall Street Journal have already dubbed these 'the Genocide Olympics.' They can say that again! In fact, they should say that again -- once for the killing in Darfur, Sudan, where the Chinese Communist government is the biggest financial enabler for the Sudan regime that is committing genocide -- and they can say that AGAIN for the killing of Falun Gong practitioners, including grisly medical theft of organs for transplant -- in the case of China, we must speak of genocides, holocausts, and crimes against humanity in the plural. China's regime is so far beyond the pale that no upright nation in the free world should countenance the carnage; nor aid; nor abet the genocidal practices of that regime. (Like with trade -- trade indeed finances the carnage, enriches the regime, and fuels a nuclear-armed, communist superpower.)

There are reasons why we hear the slogan, "Stop the killing" so often from the various groups opposed to China's CCP government. --Did we know that Communist China is in the Guiness Book of World Records for mass murder? The record holder is not Hitler, and not Stalin, but rather Communist China -- and that regime is still in place today! It's not carnage in the history books, it's carnage in downtown Beijing right now, today as we speak!

"Stop the killing" is one good point. And for the leader of the free world, the right thing to say -- the correct response to China's carnage that is ongoing even today -- is to say, "This is unacceptable." In 1990 George H. Bush and Margaret Thatcher looked at Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, and they said -- "This is unacceptable. This will not stand." They drew a line in the sand with moral clarity. --But, that was not their response to Tiananmen Square. To simply be clear and say to China, "this is unacceptable" -- that much remains to be heard out of the Executive Branch in Washington DC! I believe earnestly that the White House owes us one.

In fact, in the Tiananmen Square cause, we owe the White House a receipt. As long as I'm here facing the Chinese embassy, I can do the honors -- addressing myself to China:

"THIS IS UNACCEPTABLE! Don't ask me to attend your Olympics, and don't ask me to buy any 'Made in China' products! The only Chinese item I might buy is Chinese food, unless it's got melamine. I will not be a tourist there, and I will not buy your goods. And furthermore, I have established America's China Support Network in order to support the students and the civilians of Tiananmen Square. We will keep alive the cause, and we will work with your dissidents until democracy comes to China. We insist that justice will be served."
In the face of such carnage and injustice on a massive scale, it boggles the mind that the United States Executive Branch has continued to run its bent, craven, and depraved U.S.-China policy. What does it say when, in the face of all of this, the White House cannot say, "This is unacceptable." America fought a 45 year Cold War to overcome Communism, where we know it's wrong; we know of its human rights abuse; we know of its disregard for human life, and its military threat to nearby free lands like Taiwan. What can explain U.S.-China policy? Why didn't George H. Bush say, "This is unacceptable?" Why didn't Bill Clinton say, "This is unacceptable?" Why hasn't George W. Bush said, "This is unacceptable?" What does it take for a U.S. President to space out, and to ignore this issue? Very clearly, if a U.S. President takes the carnage to be acceptable, that speaks of dereliction at the U.S. White House.

To miss the uptake and to fail to call it unacceptable -- to ignore all of this, it takes a wuss bunny of moral cowardice. And so we come to my opinion of three recent U.S. Presidents. On China, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush have all been "wuss bunnies of moral cowardice." They couldn't be here this evening because none of those men has ever come out to a Tiananmen Square anniversary memorial. This is the issue where their skills of duck, dodge, avoid, evade, and deny come into play.

While they have their heads in the sand, we at this event still have the light of freedom burning with us. Justice will come with the dawn of a new day. China will be free. And may God bless the victims of atrocity and the dissidents who give voice to their concerns.

Published June 3, 2007 by the China Support Network (CSN). Begun as the American response group in 1989, CSN represents Americans who are "on the side" of the students in Tiananmen Square -- standing for democratic reform, human rights, and freedom in China. For dissident news; to support a stronger China policy; or get more information, see

Saturday, June 2, 2007

Remembering Tiananmen Square's Massacre

Remembering Tiananmen Square's
June 4 Massacre:

Is the U.S. President "a wuss bunny of moral cowardice"? Hear the answer, as IFCSS and CSN present the 18th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, to be memorialized with a candlelight vigil, Washington DC, Saturday, June 2, 2007

The 18th anniversary of the June 4 Massacre in Beijing is upon us. Along with other co-sponsoring organizations, the Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars in the USA (IFCSS) and the China Support Network (CSN) will hold a candlelight vigil at the Chinese embassy in Washington DC.

The time is from 7pm to 8:45pm on Saturday, June 2, 2006. The place is in front of the Chinese embassy in the U.S., located at 2300 Connecticut Ave. NW, in Washington, DC. The candlelight vigil this year marks the 18th continuous year that this memorial event is held.

During the candlelight vigil, IFCSS will announce the winners of this year's Spirit of Freedom Award. The award recognizes Chinese who do not surrender themselves to dictatorship; who maintain independent thought and dignity; and who display human conscience and the spirit of freedom. Past awardees include Song ZhongQiu, who criticized Chinese Communism from his death bed, suffering terminal cancer; Hu ShiGen, organizer of the PFDC (Party for Freedom and Democracy in China) in 1991 in the wake of Tiananmen Square's Massacre; Jiang QiSheng, a leader of the 1989 pro-democracy uprising who has continued his fight to push for democracy in China; and last year's awardees, Yang TianShui and the three heroic workers who challenged Mao ZeDong during the 1989 uprising by splattering paint on the huge Mao portrait in Tiananmen Square.

Also during this year's vigil, CSN's President John Kusumi will (rhetorically) remove the gloves and take the fight to the U.S. President, with a speech very unforgiving of the faulty United States policy towards Communist China. Kusumi has a new appellation for the U.S. Presidents ever since Tiananmen Square's Massacre. In his formulation, they are "wuss bunnies of moral cowardice." It has taken 18 years of that cowardice to work up to the frothy state of frustration that drives Kusumi to also note that the U.S. President "lacks situational awareness." According to Kusumi, "This is just like the first days after Hurricane Katrina. There is carnage, and the U.S. President just doesn't display situational awareness ('doesn't get it'). On China, he has continued his predecessors' tradition of a blind eye for all of China's carnage. There is a reason why I am pointing the finger, and saying 'Here is a wuss bunny of moral cowardice.' Ditto for the AP (Associated Press) and the IOC (International Olympic Committee), who don't want to admit that carnage is taking place."

Members of IFCSS, CSN, and more co-sponsors will gather in Washington to attend this memorial activity. The CSN will also commemorate the massacre in New York on June 3 and in Providence on June 4.

The candlelight vigil this year marks the 18th continuous year that this movement has been commemorating Tiananmen Square's Massacre. We believe this annual event is not just a memorial to martyrs -- who sacrificed their lives for freedom and democracy in that troubled land called China -- but moreover, is a continuation of the Chinese Democracy Movement. This event expresses the Movement's firm belief in, and effort to achieve, freedom and democracy in China. We hope all friends of freedom, who support the Chinese Democracy Movement, will not forget about June 4. We invite active involvement and participation in the Chinese Democracy Movement. And, if you cannot be at one of these commemorative events, please light a candle and put it in your window to remember the June 4 Massacre. As ever, we thank you for your support.

Published June 2, 2007 by the China Support Network (CSN). Begun as the American response group in 1989, CSN represents Americans who are "on the side" of the students in Tiananmen Square -- standing for democratic reform, human rights, and freedom in China. For dissident news; to support a stronger China policy; or get more information, see